The executive is that branch of government responsible for executing laws made by Parliament and implementing government policy.
- the ‘sharp end’ of government, impacting upon the public life of the state
- primary source and focus of political leadership
- controls the policy formation process
The executive branch of government in the UK extends from the Prime Minister (PM), as head of government and chair of the Cabinet, down to members of the enforcement agencies (police / military). The executive includes both ministers and civil servants.
The executive has two main parts:
- The political executive – roughly equivalent to ‘the government of the day’ – composed of ministers – function overall is to take responsibility for the development, direction and coordination of government policy
- The official executive – also known as the bureaucracy, the administrative machinery of government – composed of civil servants – function overall is to provide policy advice and to implement government policy and Acts of Parliament
The Prime Minister
The PM is unquestionably the single most important figure in the UK political system, dominating the political landscape from the PM’s official London residence at 10 Downing Street, just off Whitehall.
He or she can be thought of as the chief executive of the United Kingdom, though the practical application of this label is open to debate.
Technically, the PM holds the title of First Lord of the Treasury, referring back to the origins of the office. The power of the office, however, has increased enormously over the years and some commentators have highlighted an inconsistent trend towards presidentialism (a tendency for political leaders to act increasingly like executive presidents by means of personalised leadership).
In order to become PM, a politician must fulfil three (3) qualifications:
- A PM must be a Member of Parliament – by convention (not by law), prime ministers sit in the House of Commons (no peer has been appointed PM since Lord Salisbury in 1895)
- The PM must be a party leader
- The PM’s party must have control (preferably, majority control) of the House of Commons – most PMs come to power as a result of their party’s victory in a general election and most leave office as a result of their party’s defeat in a general election. Possible confusion arises in the event of a ‘hung Parliament’, when either a minority government can be formed, a coalition of parties can be formed, or a fresh election can be called
The role and function of the PM is something that has developed over time and been shaped by practical considerations, rather than reflecting a specific formation of the office or allocation of formal powers or responsibilities. This somewhat vague formulation is, of course, a direct by-product of the UK’s uncodified constitution.
The constitutional writer Walter Bagehot summed up the traditional view of the PM’s position in 1867 when he described the Prime Minister as primus inter pares, or, “first among equals”. This suggests that the PM is:
- ‘first’ in being the primary representative of government, in relation to the Monarch and having first right to be consulted with regard to policy issues
- ‘among equals’ in that all members of the Cabinet (the permanent committee of senior ministers empowered to make official government policy) have in theory equal influence over decisions
Chair of the Cabinet
Sets the Cabinet agenda, controls debate and discussion, organises and staffs Cabinet committeesExercises Royal Prerogative
Employs and transmits the body of powers, immunities and privileges recognised in Common Law as belonging to the Crown – these are now most commonly delegated to and exercised by ministers rather than the MonarchLeader of the Government
Leader of the majority party in the House of Commons, controls the lower chamber and – in some sense - Parliament itselfMinister for the Civil Service
Oversees the bureaucracy and administration of government – determines the structure and organisation of government, e.g. setting up, reorganising and abolishing government departmentsSelection, Appointment and Dismissal of Ministers
Exercises the power of patronage – the PM is the sole minister appointed by the Monarch; thereafter, all other members of the government are appointed by the PM – the ability to ‘hire and fire’ extends to all other ministers and provides a PM with significant control over the careers of MPs and peersRecommends Dissolution of Parliament to the Crown
Can currently ‘call’ a General Election and choose the date of the election within the five year time frame for the life of Parliaments
Sky News Australia covers Brown's Palace visit and calling of the 2010 General Election
Effective Commander-in-Chief of UK Armed Forces
Holds de facto decision-making power over the deployment of British armed forces in name of the Crown, retains ability to utilise UK nuclear deterrentDirects Government policy
Central figure in the Core Executive, sets overall direction of government policy and defines strategic goals – can intervene in any aspect of policy, though economic and foreign policy tend to be the major concern of most PMsChief Government Spokesperson and Representative of the UK
Focus of media and public attention for government actions and initiatives; representing Britain abroad and on international stage; negotiating with foreign powers, signing treaties
The Cabinet
The Cabinet is the committee of the leading members of the government of the day, the majority of whom are Secretaries of State (senior ministers) tasked with the running of government departments. (The government Cabinet is mirrored, of course, by a Shadow Cabinet comprised of Shadow ministers and leading members of the Opposition selected on the same basis).
According to constitutional theory, Cabinet is the supreme decision-making body in government. Every Tuesday when Parliament is sitting, Secretaries of State from all Whitehall departments and several other ministers meet at the Prime Minister's London residence at 10 Downing Street. Meetings are currently (2011) attended by 22 paid ministers and one unpaid minister appointed to Cabinet, and six other invited ministers and peers. Cabinet meetings take place in the Cabinet Room. Government Cabinets have met in the same room since 1856, when it was called the Council Chamber. The Prime Minister chairs the meetings, selects its members, and also recommends their appointment as ministers by the Monarch. The Secretary of the Cabinet is responsible for preparing records of its discussions and decisions.
A hierarchy exists within the Cabinet, with several senior ministerial positions holding far greater power, prestige and influence. Widely regarded as the 'Great Offices of State' (apart from Prime Minister) are the roles of Chancellor of the Exchequer, Foreign Secretary, Home Secretary and Lord Chancellor / Secretary of State for Justice. These ministers—and sometimes others—might form an inner circle of government members consulted more closely by the PM. Such influence might also take the form of a 'kitchen cabinet', an informal group of close advisors consulted by the PM outside the formal Cabinet that can include ministers, officials and special advisers.
The Role of the Cabinet
Considerable difference lies between the Cabinet's role in theory and in practice. As noted, constitutional theory states that the Cabinet is the foremost institution in the UK executive—the highest decision-making body. As such, the UK is frequently described as possessing a system of cabinet government, based on an all-important convention of collective ministerial responsibility.
A large number of observers agree, however, that over many decades—to varying degrees, but possibly even more so over recent years—the Cabinet has gradually lost power and influence in comparison with the role of the Prime Minister. In any case, given the task of running a modern state in the present world system, the notion that all major government issues and decisions could be discussed and decided in a single weekly meeting lasting just two hours (or less!) is quite unrealistic. Most observers recognise that policy debate primarily takes place in other venues and forums.
Nonetheless, Cabinet continues to play an important role, the main aspects of which are as follows:
- Formal Approval of Policy—although more meaningful debate and policy formulation effectively takes place elsewhere, these must nonetheless normally be formally approved by the Cabinet in order to achieve the status of official government policy.
- Coordination of Policy—represents the primary function of the modern Cabinet, the executive committee existing to ensure that all ministers are aware of developments within other departments. This role also helps synchronise ministers' responsibilities for their individual portfolios with their responsibilities to the government as a whole, helping to 'join up' government at its highest level.
- Dispute Resolution—the majority of differences between ministers and departments are sorted out at a lower level; nonetheless, Cabinet can occasionally serve as a 'final court of appeal' for disagreements that can not be sorted out elsewhere.
- Debate—the Cabinet can be used by the PM and other ministers as a forum in which to raise issues and allow discussion and debate (although the time available for this role is usually extremely limited, competing against very full Cabinet agendas and government business).
- Party Control and Discipline—when making policy decisions, Cabinet must take account of the views and feeling of the larger parliamentary party (hence the presence of the Chief Whip at Cabinet meetings as a full member).
- Symbol of Collective Government—regular Cabinet meetings to which the PM reports and in which major policies are approved maintain the 'collective' profile of UK government.
Ministers
Ministers are tasked with the running of government departments, making policy and overseeing the work of civil servants in implementing that policy. Ministers are appointed directly by the PM, normally from the MPs of the majority party in the House of Commons, though ministers can and are also sourced from the Lords, from other parties or with no party affiliation. Every minister of the Crown, however, must be either an MP or a Peer, underlining the fact that the UK executive is a 'parliamentary executive' (unlike ministers' counterparts in the USA, for example, who are appointed from outside Congress).
A clear hierarchy of ministers exists, creating a 'career ladder' and 'ladder of responsibilities':
- Secretaries of State—these are Cabinet ministers in overall control of a complete government department (NB: the Treasury is headed by a Chancellor of the Exchequer).
- Ministers of State—lower-ranking than Secretaries of State but senior to other ministers and PPSs; Ministers of State do not normally sit in Cabinet, although the Chief Secretary of the Treasure is normally an exception to this rule. Ministers of State frequently assume responsibility for part of a larger government department. e.g. within the Department of Education, for which Michael Gove (Con) is currently Secretary of State, Nick Gibb (Con) serves as Minister of State for Schools, Sarah Teather (LidDem) serves as Minister of State for Children and Families, while John Hayes (Con) serves as Minister of State for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning.
- Parliamentary Under-Secretaries of State—lower-ranking than Ministers of State and not members of the Cabinet, although they can serve on Cabinet committees.
- Parliamentary Private Secretaries (PPSs)—unpaid assistants to senior ministers, ministers 'in training'; officially, PPSs are not members of the government.
Collective Ministerial Responsibility
This is a convention that regulates the relationship between Parliament and the Executive, as well as between ministers and the Cabinet:
- Executive government is considered to be collectively responsible to Parliament, resting on the confidence of the House of Commons—should a government be defeated in a 'vote of confidence' in the Commons, it is duty bound to resign and / or call a General Election, entailing the resignation of all ministers
- All ministers are expected to support official government policy in public and in Parliament, it having been agreed by the collective Cabinet—failure, or inability, to do so obliges a minister to resign their appointed role or face dismissal and replacement by the PM; moreover, cabinet discussions, including any disagreements, should not be made public.
Individual Ministerial Responsibility
This is the convention that regulates the relationship between ministers and their departments:
- Ministers are responsible to Parliament for the policies and actions pursued within their departmental area of responsibility, with an duty to inform and explain (Question Time / committees), as well as to resign in the event of errors or policy failures (theoretically, ministers take responsibility for the actions of their civil servants; in practice, however, ministers only resign in the case of mistakes they have made themselves).
- Civil servants are responsible to their appointed minister and should remain loyal and supportive of whatever minister or government is in office (if ethical concerns arise, however, civil servants should report these to the Cabinet Secretary).
Civil Servants
Civil servants are readily distinguished from ministers of the Crown in that they are appointed government officials, rather than elected politicians. The two main roles of civil servants are, firstly, to provide policy advice for ministers; secondly, to implement government policy. In fulfilling these roles, civil servants are expected to follow three traditional principles:
- Permanence—civil servants remain in their positions even as governments and ministers come and go in the course of elections (provides continuity of administration)
- Neutrality—civil servants should be loyal to any minister of the Crown and supportive of any elected government, whatever its political leanings
- Anonymity—civil servants, unlike politicians, are not public figures and remain 'nameless' with regard to their task of advising implementing government policy
Prime Ministerial Power
The formal, constitutional powers of the Prime Minister of the UK are remarkably restrained when compared to most executive presidents worldwide. These particular powers derive from the Royal Prerogative, now exercised—not by the Monarch primarily—but rather by the PM (and other ministers by delegation). Royal Prerogative imparts powers:
- To appoint (and dismiss) ministers of the Crown (i.e. "form a government") and appoint other senior public figures, including top judges and bishops of the Church of England (upon recommendations from independent bodies)—Privy Counsellors, ambassadors and High Commissioners, senior civil servants, senior military officers, members of important committees and commissions, and other officials are selected, and in most cases may be removed, by the PM
- To recall Parliament when in recess and currently, ultimately, to dissolve it (by so advising the Monarch)
- To sign treaties
- To grant honours (peerages, the majority of knighthoods and most other honours are awarded on advice to the Monarch by the PM)
- the Cabinet, individual Ministers of the Crown and government departments
- his or her political party and—by means of it—Parliament
- the people / the electorate, frequently by means of mass media
Somewhat obviously, much in this regard relies upon an individual Prime Minister's personality and style of leadership—no two Prime Ministers are exactly the same with regard to personality, qualities, background and motivations.
A number of common factors informing the general ability of Prime Minister's to make use of their office, however, can be seen to reside in:
- the powers of the Prime Minister
- the constraints upon the Prime Minister (the limitations of the PM's power)
Powers of the Prime Minister
The Power to Appoint and Dismiss Ministers ("hire and fire")
Known as the power of patronage, the key power of the PM resides in his / her ability to appoint, promote, demote, and dismiss all government ministers including—and perhaps especially—the Cabinet.
As such, the PM can guarantee appointment and promotion of loyal supporters and politicians who share his / her political and ideological preferences, while rivals and critics—and / or ideological opponents—can be excluded from government or restricted to junior roles. As the PM controls the political careers of both ministers and backbenchers, therefore, these remain loyal and supportive, appreciating that they serve under the PM.
Tony Blair notably replaced half his original Cabinet of 1997 after Labour's re-election in 2001, while Gordon Brown completed the largest Cabinet reshuffle in over a century after acquiring the Labour Party leadership in order to put his own stamp on effectively a new government (11 Cabinet ministers stood down or were sacked; 9 new ministers entered Cabinet, including 7 novices).
Margaret Thatcher strengthened her personal position as Conservative PM between 1979 and 1983 by moving her Cabinet from one dominated by 'wets' (One Nation conservatives) to one dominated—at least economically—by 'drys' (neoliberal Thatcherites).
Control of the Cabinet
Extending beyond the exclusive ability to staff the Cabinet, PMs also enjoy significant powers in controlling and managing the work of the Cabinet and the Cabinet system (the latter being the various bodies linked to Cabinet, such as (sub)-committees and the Cabinet Secretariat).
As such, PMs are able to channel the decision-making processes and authority for their own purposes. Moreover, the PM thereby effectively dictates the role and significance of any Cabinet line-up.
These powers rest upon the PM's role and prerogative as regards Cabinet:
Since the immediate post-war period, cabinet meetings have steadily decreased in number per year—from approximately 100 to 40—and in duration. Cabinet meetings under Tony Blair only occasionally exceeded an hour in length. Cabinet meetings have lately largely been concerned merely with formal business with wider debate / discussion not scheduled and disagreement strongly discouraged.
- the PM chairs Cabinet meetings, setting their agenda and guiding discussion while summing up decisions (note that formal votes are rarely held in Cabinet; general consensus, rather, is the key)
- the PM convenes and adjourns Cabinet meetings, establishing their frequency and their duration
- the PM decides the number and nature of Cabinet (sub)-committees and ministerial groupings, while also appointing their members and chairpersons (note that the PM usually retains the chair of the most important committees)
Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair made far greater use of Cabinet committees and sub-committees than the full Cabinet. Blair also maintained a more informal style of discussion and decision making, dubbed "sofa government" by the press. This approach—not necessarily taking place upon an actual sofa—worked by means of 'bilaterals', meetings between the PM and individual ministers, which made policy before presentation to full Cabinet (as a fait accompli) or bypassed the Cabinet system altogether.
Leadership of the Party
The fact that the PM is also the leader of his / her own party bolsters other Prime Ministerial powers, setting them apart (and above) all other ministers and providing traction across the wider governmental system in at least three ways:
- By controlling the majority vote in the Commons, the PM can thereby control Parliament
- Party leadership enhances the PM's authority within Cabinet and government, other ministers recognising that party loyalty (extending beyond patronage) focuses on the party leader / PM
- Party members both within and outside Parliament generally recognise that the success (or otherwise) of the party is closely tied to the PM's personal standing, discouraging party splits and public criticism
Institutional Support
Before 1945, the position of Prime Minister possessed one certain weakness: while other Cabinet ministers were supported by Whitehall departments with thousands of civil servants, the PM traditionally did not command a specific department. Since the end of the war, however, the power of the Prime Minister has expanded considerably with the development of governmental bodies and advisors who directly, or indirectly, support the role of the PM.
The two most important bodies serving the PM are:
Most recently, Tony Blair significantly augmented the role and extended the influence of the Cabinet Office by creating a plethora of special offices and units. These included:
- the Prime Minister's Office, including—since 2002—the Policy Unit
- the Cabinet Office, now the central coordinating axis of the UK executive, assisting in 'joining up' the efforts of Whitehall departments
- the Delivery Unit, monitoring and improving policy delivery
- the Social Exclusion Unit
- the Performance and Innovation Unit
- the Women's Unit
- the Anti-Drugs Co-ordination Unit
Perhaps even more importantly, the number and role of special advisers—directly responsible to the PM—has increased from eight under Major to an ultimate total of fifty under Blair. Tony Blair was also the first PM to impart formal control over civil servants to senior special advisors—prominent in this innovation were Jonathon Powell, the PM's Chief of Staff (1997—2007) and Alistair Campbell, Director of Communications and Strategy (1997—August 2003). The greatly enhanced role played by such advisors has invited comparisons with the 'West Wing' officials of the US Presidency.
Alistair Campbell
Media Focus
Since 1945, the steadily increasing influence of mass media has worked to enhance the power of the Prime Minister. The expansion of broadcast media—radio and TV—and, more recently 'new media'—cable / satellite, the internet—has vastly increased the quantity and range of political information flowing to the public. Mass media has also served to promote changed power relationships within the UK executive.
Popular concerns with image and personality ensure that the media's attention is focused primarily on political leaders, but especially on the PM, whose public profile easily overshadows those of even his / her most senior colleagues.
The rise of 'political celebrity' allows PMs and other party leaders to appeal directly to the public, above and beyond the ability of other senior ministers, parties and government bodies.
Enhanced control over government communications allows PMs to channel and influence information flows to the electorate - the Thatcher and Blair eras made this a core approach, in the persons of Bernard Ingham and Alistair Campbell. This has given rise to the process of 'spin' and 'news management' - a biased and / or distorted selection of information so as to create a certain political effect and manage expectations. (Examples of 'spin' include: insider 'leaks', the 'vetting' of information before media release, the release of bad news when other important events dominate the news cycle, feeding stories to sympathetic, pro-government sources only, and, releasing information close to publication deadlines to discourage checking and argumentation).
Wider reading:
- Andrew Blick and George Jones, "The 'Department of the Prime Minister' - should it continue?", History and Policy (June 2007).
- Andrew Blick and George Jones, "The Power of the Prime Minister", History and Policy (June 2010).
Limitations of the Prime Minister
Cabinet
Although now somewhat reduced in political clout, as regards the powers of the Prime Minister, the Cabinet nonetheless retains the ability to constrain the PM.
In staffing Cabinet, for example, the PM's power of patronage has its limitations. In exercising patronage, the Prime Minister must consider that:
A Prime Minister's general ability to dominate Cabinet also has its limitations:
- all ministers must be sourced from Parliament and that all (or most) ministers come from the majority party in the Commons
- party unity requires a broad ideological and political balance within Cabinet
- certain groups should be adequately represented—women, for instance
- opponents may be less dangerous within government than without (by virtue of collective responsibility)
Cabinet support for a PM is determined by the PM's success and (electoral) popularity
Cabinet resignations—particularly of very senior ministers—can greatly damage the public profile and political support of any PM
This last limitation is particularly significant with regard to the "big beasts" of Cabinet, those who exercise considerable seniority on account of the status of their office, their personal standing within their political party and their public profile. (Such a colleague, of course, may well represent a meaningful rival for the very position of Prime Minister itself).
PMs might possibly have to placate such ministers; alternatively, the PM may have to weather the political tarnishing their resignation, demotion or sacking might entail.
Margaret Thatcher provides an object lesson in this regard: her considerable personal authority (won in the early 1980s) proved susceptible to cumulative damage spawned by increasing disunity within her Cabinet. Public confidence and Thatcher's standing within the Conservative Party as an electoral asset were compromised by the successive resignations of Michael Heseltine (Defence Secretary) in 1986, Chancellor of the Exchequer Nigel Lawson in 1989 and then Deputy PM Geoffrey Howe in 1990. The latter set the scene for a showdown over Thatcher's party leadership, precipitated by 'stalking horse' Heseltine... Margaret Thatcher ultimately lost confidence of her parliamentary party and was replaced by John Major.
More recently, Tony Blair's relationship with Chancellor Gordon Brown between 1997 and 2007 provides the best example of a PM having to accommodate an influential Cabinet colleague and potential leadership rival. This led to accusations of a dual leadership in all but name and resulted in Brown's unprecedented interference in domestic and economic policy.
Most recently, since May 2010, David Cameron as PM within a Conservative-LibDem Coalition government has had to give thought to the moderation of Tory policies within the practical limits of Nick Clegg's party's manifesto.
Party
Party support for a successful PM is normally strong, but remains conditional on continued success. Party members—and job-conscious backbenchers in particular—look to the PM to provide leadership that will ensure party unity and electoral wins. Increasing apparent failure to do so will drain party support from the PM and lead to the search for a replacement. Gordon Brown's short premiership was dogged by repeated speculation regarding his abilities as a leader and the rival merits of senior colleagues (David Milliband, in particular).
